A Generation, Lost: Modern Pakistan

Greetings all!

While this post comes amid election season in several nations such as Bulgaria, I felt it necessary to take a closer look at Pakistan this time. My reasoning for this is because Pakistan is key to combating the power of the Taliban, especially in relation to Afghan stability and progress. However, I also wish to address the outcome of Pakistani elections because Pakistan seems to have lost an entire way of life over these last few decades. This week’s quote comes from the former prime minister of Pakistan, now deceased, Benazir Bhutto. I consider her to probably be the only respectable Pakistani leader since Muhammad Ali Jinnah, honestly, so I figured her voice in this would be well-placed.

I define Pakistan as lost due to the way the nation’s governance has been dominated over the years. For the most part, there have been two major political forces in Pakistan; conservative parties, led by people such as Nawaz Sharif, and the military/intelligence structure. All the while Pakistan has been engulfed in attempts to spread influence to Afghanistan by corrupt leaders while pointless wars with India have been fought. Oh, how the wars are so pointless by now. I won’t get much into it, but I have trouble seeing why either Pakistan or India wants Kashmir so badly. I suppose I understand the whole territorial claim, but it’s not like Kashmir is particularly great land to have anyway.

At the same time, Pakistan has been held back oh so strongly by religious fervor and a strange yet ardent nationalism propagated by essentially all of its modern leaders. Sharif was one of those leaders; in the hope of establishing a democracy with a religious conservative society, he Islamized much of Pakistan. Sharif made the Qur'an the law of the land in Pakistan, nearly setting Pakistan on the same levels of legalized theocracy as Saudi Arabia. Sharif also embedded capitalist forces in Pakistan through deregulation efforts and other liberalizing effects on Pakistan’s economy. While positive then, just like all other economic liberalizations it strengthened the income gap in Pakistan and entrenched the power money holds in politics there.

Pakistan’s military has largely acted in the belief that it was pursuing what was in the best interest of Pakistan. This is why the military has led so many coups in Pakistan; the ISI and other intelligence units believed that Pakistani sovereignty was at stake, and that democracy would hinder the process of dealing with large issues. However, in doing so the Pakistani military removed any possible democratic precedent. At present, it is historic for one democratic regime to hand power to another in Pakistan. That should give you an idea of how often the military has involved itself, and why it is likely too much by now.

And yet through all the suffering, all the strife, Pakistan had no hope in this election. There were but four major options this time, all just as problematic as the next. First and foremost was Nawaz Sharif. He represents the most conservative forces in Pakistan, and a return to a turbulent nuclear past which cannot possibly bring change to a nation struggling with power shortages and widespread underemployment. We know this to be self-evident: a theocracy will not save Pakistan. Religion can no longer be a savior in the Middle East.

The second fairly popular option was Imran Khan, whose Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf Party represented a youthful, anti-corruption message to the nation. And while Khan was noble in his cause, much of his popularity was driven by the fact that he was simply a former celebrity leading an anti-establishment message, much like Beppe Grillo in Italy. Khan had no real plan for Pakistan, although the Taliban didn't seem to object to him, giving you a clue to how socially conservative he is. And of course, that is exactly what Pakistan must avoid these days.

The last democratic option was the Pakistan People’s Party, led under a banner by Asif Ali Zardari and Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, respectively the current Pakistani president and his son, whom holds onto the legacy of Benazir Bhutto. Unfortunately, like most of the PPP, the elder Zardari is a man accused of corruption throughout his term, and it’s become quite certain as of late that the accusations are true. While the main messages of the PPP are easily the best for Pakistan, those leading the party are not. Mired by cynicism and corruption, much of the leadership of Pakistan’s largest progressive party is not fit to rule a new democratic Pakistan. The younger Zardari would have made for the ideal candidate, one with the message but not the corruption, but alas he is too young.

The final option was, of course, the military option. But by now, we know why such an option has already been exhausted to the point that enacting it would do nothing but harm Pakistan.

Unlike most fully-industrialized nations, Pakistan’s older generation is not one that will give power up as time passes to a newer folk that will move the nation forward. In nations across the Western world, the culture will change and so too will the society, leading to a different era in governance. But in the packed streets of Islamabad, nothing will change until that older generation dies or becomes incompetent. The hold of conservatism, Islamism, and militarism in Pakistan are all brought forth by those born in it, and all these things will likely die with them. Let’s hope it comes soon, for the sake of all Pakistanis.

That is all for this week, and I hope I've given good reasoning for my claims. As always, your feedback in the comments is appreciated. Outside the comments, I am still available for contact at my email of zerospintop@live.com, my Facebook, Google+, Twitter, Steam, DeviantArt, Tumblr, and Reddit accounts. Good night, and this is KnoFear, signing off.